Going by the unwritten but well-established practice of rotating the presidency between the different geopolitical zones of the country since 1999, it will seem odious or unfair that the practice should be abandoned halfway through or before it ends. completed its full or ordered course on the basis of some gratuitous reasoning, the main one being bogus merit criteria. The southeast zone is the only zone in the southern region that has yet to produce a president, even by arrangement. The national prescription for rotation, although not a stipulation of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria or the current Electoral Act, is fortunately commonly shared by the two major political parties in the country, even though it is envisioned as a stabilizer board.

The many erroneous statements that ignored the salutary requirement to remain faithful to the need to preserve Nigeria exposed the paradox of an elective dictatorship, a population census faux pas and an authoritarian federal or central authority possessing near-absolute powers in theory but unable to exercise them in practice. An arrogant federal government possessing insufficient authority, burdened by a weak or blind National Assembly and saddled with flattering or sycophant bureaucracy is an institution least qualified to insist that a prescription that has stabilized an otherwise giddy contraption like Nigeria will not not be abandoned. He watched with dubious amusement as if the issue of the threat of abuse of the principle of rotation wasn’t serious enough to shatter the fragile union.

General dissatisfaction with the way the Nigerian state is run is the reason for the voiced or muted rumblings of many of its constituents to withdraw from the Federation. They cried out loudly for the enthronement of an enabling environment to alleviate the country’s recurring political, social and economic difficulties. But a deep understanding of the underpinnings of the circumstances that impede Nigeria’s progress or forward movement is evidenced in the 2014 National Conference Report, or to some extent the El-Rufai Report on Restructuring. These reports presented us with a development or people-oriented working paper; who abjures regional or ethnic control or sectarian ambush of politics; which diffuses the general well-being; which reflects our desire to faithfully carry the name or appellation “Federal Republic of Nigeria” – a true

Adopting most of the orientations of the documents is sure to relieve the present objective tension or the pervasive feeling of angst. The attitude of the Buhari government towards the 2014 National Conference report is, however, unnecessary, odious or detestable. He is responsible for our prolonged suffering in the desert of probable choices.

Certain weaknesses or character defects observed among the inhabitants of the Southeast geopolitical zone are mischievously presented as valid reasons for denying or denying the region its deserved place in the presidency. Ndi-Igbo, as the inhabitants of the southeastern zone prefer to be referred to in apparent deference to their proverbial communal spirit, have unfortunately not yet appreciated or recognized spiritual equipment as the key to their ordination. The people attach great importance to material possessions. They rely excessively on what we can see, smell or touch. This empirical attitude finds expression in many questions of social, interpersonal and spiritual implications for people.

Some even anchored their nuanced opposition to the Igbo presidency on a feared upsurge of an alleged character deficit in a dark period of our national history when Ndi-Igbo freely dominated all spheres of Nigerian national life – services, bureaucracy, educational institutions, railways, airways, ports, police, etc. A vote for the Igbo presidency, they insist, will rekindle the inherent impulse of Ndi-Igbo self-love or self-affection that would have been on display in those hazy days. Proponents of this view will not tolerate a dreaded repetition of it. What the nation witnessed under Buhari’s regime regarding brazen acts of nepotism or the heinous favor of tribesmen, relatives or personal friends because of their relationship rather than because of their abilities will seem to have reinforced the objection to a back-to-back envisaged repetition of the discomfort. A likely Ndi-Igbo reprisal is feared to trigger a cycle of mutual recriminations.

Under the rotating or zoned presidency arrangement, the Yoruba of the South West can rightly be said to have had more than their fair share of the pie. A 2-term Obasanjo presidency followed by an 8-year Osinbajo vice-presidential residency at Aso Rock Villa seems to have sealed the chances of the zone’s aspirants. Many of these aspirants in the zone, however, do not seem convinced of the injustice of their ambition. Fortunately, Afenifere (the indisputable socio-political ethic in power in Yoruba land) has constantly drawn attention to the contrary nature to the avowed sense of justice and fair play of the Yoruba people of the offer of people from the south- Where is. extraction for the 2023 presidential race. Such an offer, Afenifere clearly stated, is immoral, unfair and in opposition to the Yoruba worldview in light of a remaining rotation arrangement. Afenifere insisted that his position draws heavily on cherished Yoruba values ​​of accommodation, camaraderie and a deep sense of justice that is understood not in an abstract sense but as being in line with the common sense of the ‘humanity.

Some commentators, however, will see no morality in institutional deprivation “that restricts the exercise of constitutional rights”. For them, zoning is an aberration which they observe has limited applicability or is of questionable binding character. They vainly cited a time in recent history when fairness favored atoning for June 12 injustice even as they noted that zoning was not binding. They disavow the argument that it is the turn of the Ndi-Igbo to insist that such a position is untenable because the Ndi-Igbo do not suffer from any systemic handicaps and therefore have no rights, or should have none, to restrict the rights of others. As the presidency has agreed to be zoned south, all southern candidates should be free to run, these eggheads concluded with satisfaction.

This academic critique of Afenifere’s position clearly ignores the palpable existential threat to our common good even as it vainly raises dialectical questioning. The brutal and obnoxious suspension of the rules of a football match in the middle of the match, for example, presents neither the designated winner with the precision of cold steel nor the loser with a feeling of affection. It’s a feeling of estrangement. We should have no trouble maintaining our sense of fairness or justice embedded in the reasoned establishment of the zoning model in the first place. It is impossible to overstate the utter danger that the Nigerian nation-state will face if there is an indecent rejection of age-old values ​​of propriety, fairness, civility and good education. Only an awareness of imminent danger can explain the Manichaean perception of the opposition to the blows of not playing according to the established rules. The complexities and contradictions in abandoning a policy that has stabilized the Nigerian craft are undoubtedly born out of an attempt to deny the troubling spirit of the ghosts of the victims of flawed official policies and programs over time. It is also placed to give undue recognition to infamy or bad reputation.

The grim realities of Nigeria will seem to suggest that decorum, fair play and disregard for the mythical portrayal of history are the guiding principles of the nation.
Rotimi-John, a lawyer and public affairs commentator wrote empty [email protected]

About The Author

Related Posts